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under the image

  • 1 under the image

    Религия: под видом

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > under the image

  • 2 generalization-covering of quantum mechanics known under the name of hadronic mechanics, which is an image of quantum mechanics under the use of the novel iso-, geno- and hyper-mathematics

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > generalization-covering of quantum mechanics known under the name of hadronic mechanics, which is an image of quantum mechanics under the use of the novel iso-, geno- and hyper-mathematics

  • 3 genochemistry, which is the image of isochemistry under the broader genomathematics used for the representation of irreversible chemical processes (such as chemical reactions) among molecules admitting an isochemical representation

    Общая лексика: генохимия (раздел

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > genochemistry, which is the image of isochemistry under the broader genomathematics used for the representation of irreversible chemical processes (such as chemical reactions) among molecules admitting an isochemical representation

  • 4 genochemistry, which is the image of isochemistry under the broader genomathematics used for the representation of irreversible chemical processes among molecules admitting an isochemical representation

    Общая лексика: (such as chemical reactions) генохимия (раздел

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > genochemistry, which is the image of isochemistry under the broader genomathematics used for the representation of irreversible chemical processes among molecules admitting an isochemical representation

  • 5 image

    сущ.
    1) общ. образ, изображение
    See:
    2) соц. представление, мнение, идея, образ, концепция (представление о чем-л. в сознании людей)

    popular image of smth — распространенное представление о чем-л.

    White-collar crime and corporate crime are probably both under-recorded and certainly do not fit the popular image of crime as a working class phenomenon. — И преступность в среде белых воротничков и корпоративная преступность, вероятно, неполностью учитывается, и однозначно не соответствует распространенному представлению о преступности, как о явлении, свойственном рабочему классу.

    See:
    3) соц., пол., марк. имидж, репутация, престиж, лицо, образ (впечатление, которое страна, фирма, политический деятель, кинозвезда, товар, торговая марка и т. п. производят на окружающих благодаря собственным характеристикам или с помощью пропаганды в средствах массовой информации)

    to build an image — создавать имидж [образ\]

    elitist image — имидж [образ\] элитарности

    image building — создание имиджа [образа, репутации\], построение [имиджа, образа\]

    Syn:
    See:

    * * *
    имидж: впечатление, которое продукт, услуга или сама компания оставляют у клиентов благодаря характеристикам самого товара или рекламе; см. brand image;
    * * *
    впечатление, производимое на потребителей фирмой или ее товарами; репутация фирмы
    -----
    образ; репутация

    Англо-русский экономический словарь > image

  • 6 brand image

    представление о товаре; авторитет товарной марки

    English-Russian base dictionary > brand image

  • 7 videophone image

    изображение, переданное по видеотелефону

    English-Russian big polytechnic dictionary > videophone image

  • 8 after image

    English-Russian base dictionary > after image

  • 9 impression

    1) (the idea or effect produced in someone's mind by a person, experience etc: The film made a great impression on me.) impresión
    2) (a vague idea: I have the impression that he's not pleased.) impresión
    3) (the mark left by an object on another object: The dog left an impression of its paws in the wet cement.) huella, marca
    4) (a single printing of a book etc.) edición, tirada
    impression n impresión
    tr[ɪm'preʃən]
    1 (gen) impresión nombre femenino
    ■ what's your impression of the new teacher? ¿qué te parece el nuevo profesor?
    3 (imprint, mark) marca, señal nombre femenino, impresión nombre femenino; (in wax, plaster) molde nombre masculino; (of foot etc) huella
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    to be under the impression that... tener la impresión de que...
    to create a good/bad impression causar buena/mala impresión
    to make an impression on somebody impresionar a alguien
    impression [ɪm'prɛʃən] n
    1) imprint: marca f, huella f, molde m (de los dientes)
    2) effect: impresión f, efecto m, impacto m
    3) printing: impresión f
    4) notion: impresión f, noción f
    n.
    • efecto s.m.
    • estampa s.f.
    • estampado s.m.
    • huella s.f.
    • impresión s.f.
    • impronta s.f.
    ɪm'preʃən
    1)
    a) (idea, image) impresión f

    it's my impression that she doesn't want to go — tengo or me da la impresión de que no quiere ir

    I get the impression that he wants me to leave — tengo or me da la impresión de que quiere que me vaya

    to give somebody the impression that... — darle* a alguien la impresión de que...

    to be under the impression (that)... — creer* or pensar* que..., tener* la impresión de que...

    b) ( effect) impresión f

    to make o create a good/bad impression on somebody — causarle or producirle* a alguien una buena/mala impresión

    2)
    a) ( imprint) impresión f, huella f
    b) ( Publ) impresión f
    3) ( impersonation) imitación f
    [ɪm'preʃǝn]
    N
    1) (=effect) impresión f

    to make a good/bad impression (on sb) — causar buena/mala impresión (a algn)

    2) (=vague idea, illusion) impresión f

    to be under or have the impression that... — tener la impresión de que...

    3) (=mark) impresión f ; (fig) marca f, huella f
    4) (esp Brit) (Typ) (for first time) impresión f, tirada f ; (thereafter) reimpresión f
    5) (Theat) imitación f
    * * *
    [ɪm'preʃən]
    1)
    a) (idea, image) impresión f

    it's my impression that she doesn't want to go — tengo or me da la impresión de que no quiere ir

    I get the impression that he wants me to leave — tengo or me da la impresión de que quiere que me vaya

    to give somebody the impression that... — darle* a alguien la impresión de que...

    to be under the impression (that)... — creer* or pensar* que..., tener* la impresión de que...

    b) ( effect) impresión f

    to make o create a good/bad impression on somebody — causarle or producirle* a alguien una buena/mala impresión

    2)
    a) ( imprint) impresión f, huella f
    b) ( Publ) impresión f
    3) ( impersonation) imitación f

    English-spanish dictionary > impression

  • 10 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 11 new

    new [nju:]
    nouveau ⇒ 1 (a)-(e), 2 neuf ⇒ 1 (a) autre ⇒ 1 (a)
    (compar newer, superl newest)
    (a) (gen) nouveau(elle); (different) nouveau(elle), autre; (unused) neuf, nouveau(elle);
    ∎ a new tablecloth (brand new) une nouvelle nappe, une nappe neuve; (fresh) une nouvelle nappe, une nappe propre;
    ∎ new evidence de nouvelles preuves;
    ∎ he's wearing his new suit for the first time il porte son nouveau costume ou son costume neuf pour la première fois;
    ∎ I don't want to get my new gloves dirty je ne veux pas salir mes nouveaux gants ou gants neufs;
    ∎ this dress isn't new ce n'est pas une robe neuve ou une nouvelle robe, cette robe n'est pas neuve;
    ∎ have you seen their new house yet? est-ce que tu as vu leur nouvelle maison?;
    ∎ she needs a new sheet of paper il lui faut une autre feuille de papier;
    ∎ we need some new ideas il nous faut de nouvelles idées ou des idées neuves;
    ∎ a new application of an old theory une nouvelle application d'une vieille théorie;
    ∎ there are new people in the flat next door il y a de nouveaux occupants dans l'appartement d'à côté;
    ∎ she likes her new boss elle aime bien son nouveau patron;
    ∎ new members are always welcome nous sommes toujours ravis d'accueillir de nouveaux adhérents;
    ∎ to look for new business faire de la prospection;
    ∎ America was a new country (just developing) l'Amérique était un pays neuf;
    ∎ under new management (sign) changement de propriétaire;
    ∎ as or like new comme neuf; (in advertisement) état neuf;
    ∎ as good as new (again) (clothing, carpet) (à nouveau) comme neuf; (watch, electrical appliance) (à nouveau) en parfait état de marche;
    ∎ to feel like a new woman/man se sentir revivre;
    ∎ to make a new woman/man of sb transformer qn complètement;
    ∎ proverb there's nothing new under the sun il n'y a rien de nouveau sous le soleil
    (b) (latest, recent → issue, recording, baby) nouveau(elle);
    ∎ the newest fashions la dernière mode;
    ∎ is there anything new on the catastrophe? est-ce qu'il y a du nouveau sur la catastrophe?;
    ∎ familiar what's new? quoi de neuf?;
    ∎ familiar (so) what's new!, what else is new! (dismissive) quelle surprise!;
    ∎ that's nothing new! rien de nouveau à cela!
    (c) (unfamiliar → experience, environment) nouveau(elle);
    ∎ everything's still very new to me here tout est encore tout nouveau pour moi ici;
    ∎ familiar that's a new one on me! (joke) celle-là, on ne me l'avait jamais faite!; (news) première nouvelle!; (experience) on en apprend tous les jours!
    (d) (recently arrived) nouveau(elle); (novice) novice;
    ∎ you're new here, aren't you? vous êtes nouveau ici, n'est-ce pas?;
    ∎ those curtains are new in this room ces rideaux n'étaient pas dans cette pièce;
    ∎ she's new to the job elle débute dans le métier;
    ∎ we're new to this area nous venons d'arriver dans la région
    (e) Cookery (wine, potatoes, carrots) nouveau(elle)
    2 noun
    nouveau m;
    ∎ the cult of the new le culte du nouveau
    ►► familiar new blood sang m neuf;
    Finance new borrowings nouveaux emprunts mpl;
    new boy School nouveau m, nouvel élève m; (in office, team etc) nouveau m;
    New Britain Nouvelle-Bretagne f;
    New Brunswick le Nouveau-Brunswick;
    ∎ in New Brunswick dans le Nouveau-Brunswick;
    Architecture new brutalism brutalisme m;
    Marketing new buy situation situation f de nouvel achat;
    New Caledonia Nouvelle-Calédonie f;
    ∎ in New Caledonia en Nouvelle-Calédonie;
    1 noun
    Néo-Calédonien(enne) m,f
    néo-calédonien;
    Finance new capital capitaux mpl frais;
    (a) History le New Deal (programme de réformes sociales mises en place aux États-Unis par le président Roosevelt au lendemain de la grande dépression des années 30)
    (b) British Politics = programme du gouvernement Blair destiné à aider les jeunes à trouver un emploi;
    New Delhi New Delhi;
    French Canadian New Democratic Party Nouveau Parti m démocratique;
    new economy nouvelle économie f;
    New England Nouvelle-Angleterre f;
    ∎ in New England en Nouvelle-Angleterre;
    New Englander habitant(e) m,f de la Nouvelle-Angleterre;
    the New English Bible = texte de la Bible révisé dans les années 60;
    New Forest = région forestière dans le sud de l'Angleterre;
    New Forest pony New Forest m (cheval);
    new girl School nouvelle (élève) f; (in office, team) nouvelle f;
    new grammar la nouvelle grammaire;
    New Guinea Nouvelle-Guinée f;
    ∎ in New Guinea en Nouvelle-Guinée;
    New Hampshire le New Hampshire;
    ∎ in New Hampshire dans le New Hampshire;
    1 noun
    Néo-Hébridais(e) m,f
    néo-hébridais;
    New Hebrides Nouvelles-Hébrides fpl;
    ∎ in the New Hebrides aux Nouvelles-Hébrides;
    New Ireland Nouvelle-Irlande f;
    ∎ in New Ireland en Nouvelle-Irlande;
    Stock Exchange new issue nouvelle émission f;
    Stock Exchange new issue market marché m des nouvelles émissions, marché m primaire;
    New Jersey le New Jersey;
    ∎ in New Jersey dans le New Jersey;
    New Labour = nouveau nom donné au parti travailliste britannique vers le milieu des années quatre-vingt-dix dans le souci d'en moderniser l'image;
    British familiar new lad jeune homme m moderne□ (qui boit avec modération et n'est pas sexiste);
    New Latin latin m scientifique;
    British Politics the New Left la nouvelle gauche;
    new look nouvelle image f;
    New Man homme m moderne (qui participe équitablement à l'éducation des enfants et aux tâches ménagères);
    American new math, British new maths les maths fpl modernes;
    the new media les nouveaux médias mpl;
    New Mexico le Nouveau-Mexique;
    ∎ in New Mexico au Nouveau-Mexique;
    British History the New Model Army = nom donné à l'armée anglaise après la révolte du Parlement en 1645;
    new money (after decimalization) système m monétaire décimal; Finance crédit m de restructuration;
    ∎ what's ten shillings in new money? ten shillings, ça fait combien en système décimal?;
    ∎ she married into new money (wealth) elle s'est mariée avec un homme issue d'une famille enrichie de fraîche date; pejorative elle s'est mariée avec un nouveau riche;
    new moon nouvelle lune f;
    Press New Musical Express = hebdomadaire anglais de musique rock;
    New Orleans La Nouvelle-Orléans;
    new potato pomme f de terre nouvelle;
    Commerce & Marketing new product nouveau produit m;
    Commerce & Marketing new product development développement m de nouveaux produits;
    Commerce & Marketing new product marketing marketing m de nouveaux produits;
    New Providence île f de la Nouvelle-Providence;
    New Quebec Nouveau-Québec m;
    ∎ in New Quebec au Nouveau-Québec;
    the new rich les nouveaux riches mpl;
    New Right nouvelle droite f;
    Press the New Scientist = hebdomadaire scientifique britannique;
    New Scotland Yard = siège de la police à Londres;
    New South Wales la Nouvelle-Galles du Sud;
    ∎ in New South Wales en Nouvelle-Galles du Sud;
    Finance new shares actions fpl nouvelles;
    Press the New Statesman = hebdomadaire britannique de gauche;
    new technology nouvelle technologie f, technologie f de pointe;
    the New Territories les Nouveaux Territoires mpl (de Hong Kong);
    Bible New Testament Nouveau Testament m;
    British new town ville f nouvelle;
    new wave (in cinema) nouvelle vague f; (in pop music) new wave f;
    the New World le Nouveau Monde;
    New Year Nouvel An m;
    ∎ happy New Year! bonne année!;
    ∎ to see in the New Year réveillonner (le 31 décembre);
    New Year's resolutions résolutions fpl pour la nouvelle année;
    ∎ have you made any New Year's resolutions? tu as des résolutions pour la nouvelle année?;
    American New Year's (day) le premier de l'an; (eve) le soir du réveillon ou du 31 décembre;
    New Year's Day jour m de l'an;
    New Year's Eve Saint-Sylvestre f;
    the New Year's Honours List = titres et distinctions honorifiques décernés par la Reine à l'occasion de la nouvelle année et dont la liste est établie officieusement par le Premier ministre;
    New York (City) New York;
    New Yorker New-Yorkais(e) m,f;
    Press the New Yorker = hebdomadaire culturel et littéraire new-yorkais;
    Stock Exchange New York Mercantile Exchange = marché à terme des produits pétroliers de New York;
    New York (State) l'État m de New York;
    ∎ in (the State of) New York, in New York (State) dans l'État de New York;
    the New York subway le métro new-yorkais;
    Press the New York Times = quotidien américain de qualité;
    New Zealand Nouvelle-Zélande f;
    ∎ in New Zealand en Nouvelle-Zélande;
    New Zealand butter beurre m néo-zélandais;
    New Zealander Néo-Zélandais(e) m,f
    ✾ Music 'New World Symphony' or 'From the New World' Dvorák 'La Symphonie du Nouveau Monde'
    ⓘ NEW LABOUR Après dix-huit ans de gouvernement conservateur, les élections de mai 1997 propulsèrent les travaillistes au pouvoir avec une écrasante majorité. Convaincus par plusieurs défaites électorales de l'inéligibilité du parti travailliste traditionnel dans une Grande-Bretagne bouleversée par le thatchérisme, les nouveaux dirigeants décidèrent de réorganiser et de renommer le parti afin d'élargir leur électorat aux classes moyennes. Les "nouveaux travaillistes" établirent des liens étroits avec le patronat et promurent une "troisième voie" comme alternative à la traditionnelle idéologie de gauche du parti. Cependant, les fidèles du parti commencèrent très vite à souhaiter un retour aux valeurs traditionnelles de la gauche.

    Un panorama unique de l'anglais et du français > new

  • 12 Zworykin, Vladimir Kosma

    [br]
    b. 30 July 1889 Mourum (near Moscow), Russia
    d. 29 July 1982 New York City, New York, USA
    [br]
    Russian (naturalized American 1924) television pioneer who invented the iconoscope and kinescope television camera and display tubes.
    [br]
    Zworykin studied engineering at the Institute of Technology in St Petersburg under Boris Rosing, assisting the latter with his early experiments with television. After graduating in 1912, he spent a time doing X-ray research at the Collège de France in Paris before returning to join the Russian Marconi Company, initially in St Petersburg and then in Moscow. On the outbreak of war in 1917, he joined the Russian Army Signal Corps, but when the war ended in the chaos of the Revolution he set off on his travels, ending up in the USA, where he joined the Westinghouse Corporation. There, in 1923, he filed the first of many patents for a complete system of electronic television, including one for an all-electronic scanning pick-up tube that he called the iconoscope. In 1924 he became a US citizen and invented the kinescope, a hard-vacuum cathode ray tube (CRT) for the display of television pictures, and the following year he patented a camera tube with a mosaic of photoelectric elements and gave a demonstration of still-picture TV. In 1926 he was awarded a PhD by the University of Pittsburgh and in 1928 he was granted a patent for a colour TV system.
    In 1929 he embarked on a tour of Europe to study TV developments; on his return he joined the Radio Corporation of America (RCA) as Director of the Electronics Research Group, first at Camden and then Princeton, New Jersey. Securing a budget to develop an improved CRT picture tube, he soon produced a kinescope with a hard vacuum, an indirectly heated cathode, a signal-modulation grid and electrostatic focusing. In 1933 an improved iconoscope camera tube was produced, and under his direction RCA went on to produce other improved types of camera tube, including the image iconoscope, the orthicon and image orthicon and the vidicon. The secondary-emission effect used in many of these tubes was also used in a scintillation radiation counter. In 1941 he was responsible for the development of the first industrial electron microscope, but for most of the Second World War he directed work concerned with radar, aircraft fire-control and TV-guided missiles.
    After the war he worked for a time on high-speed memories and medical electronics, becoming Vice-President and Technical Consultant in 1947. He "retired" from RCA and was made an honorary vice-president in 1954, but he retained an office and continued to work there almost up until his death; he also served as Director of the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research from 1954 until 1962.
    [br]
    Principal Honours and Distinctions
    Zworykin received some twenty-seven awards and honours for his contributions to television engineering and medical electronics, including the Institution of Electrical Engineers Faraday Medal 1965; US Medal of Science 1966; and the US National Hall of Fame 1977.
    Bibliography
    29 December 1923, US patent no. 2,141, 059 (the original iconoscope patent; finally granted in December 1938!).
    13 July 1925, US patent no. 1,691, 324 (colour television system).
    1930, with D.E.Wilson, Photocells and Their Applications, New York: Wiley. 1934, "The iconoscope. A modern version of the electric eye". Proceedings of the
    Institute of Radio Engineers 22:16.
    1946, Electron Optics and the Electron Microscope.
    1940, with G.A.Morton, Television; revised 1954.
    Further Reading
    J.H.Udelson, 1982, The Great Television Race: History of the Television Industry 1925– 41: University of Alabama Press.
    KF

    Biographical history of technology > Zworykin, Vladimir Kosma

  • 13 imprint

    I ['ɪmprɪnt]
    1) (impression) impronta f., traccia f. (anche fig.)
    2) tip. (on title page) sigla f. editoriale; (publishing house) casa f. editrice
    II [ɪm'prɪnt]
    1) (fix) imprimere [idea, image] (on in)
    2) (print) stampare [mark, design] (on su)
    * * *
    1. ['imprint] noun
    (a mark made by pressure: She saw the imprint of a foot in the sand.) impronta
    2. [im'print] verb
    (to make (a mark) on something by pressure; to fix permanently (in the mind or memory).) imprimere
    * * *
    imprint /ˈɪmprɪnt/
    n.
    1 impronta ( anche fig.); impressione; traccia; segno: the imprint of a foot, l'impronta d'un piede; the imprint of suffering on sb. 's face, i segni della sofferenza sul viso di q.
    2 ( editoria, = publisher's imprint) sigla editoriale; colophon
    ● imprint stamp, bollo a secco □ ( di un libro) no imprint, senza indicazione dell'editore.
    (to) imprint /ɪmˈprɪnt/
    v. t.
    1 imprimere ( anche fig.); stampare (fig.): He imprinted the paper with his seal, impresse il suo sigillo sul documento; She imprinted a kiss on her child's forehead, ha stampato un bacio in fronte al figlio
    2 applicare; apporre: to imprint a postmark on a letter, applicare un timbro postale a una lettera
    3 (tipogr.) stampare.
    * * *
    I ['ɪmprɪnt]
    1) (impression) impronta f., traccia f. (anche fig.)
    2) tip. (on title page) sigla f. editoriale; (publishing house) casa f. editrice
    II [ɪm'prɪnt]
    1) (fix) imprimere [idea, image] (on in)
    2) (print) stampare [mark, design] (on su)

    English-Italian dictionary > imprint

  • 14 fit

    I
    1. fit adjective
    1) (in good health: I am feeling very fit.) sano, en forma
    2) (suitable; correct for a particular purpose or person: a dinner fit for a king.) adecuado, conveniente

    2. noun
    (the right size or shape for a particular person, purpose etc: Your dress is a very good fit.) corte (de un traje)

    3. verb
    past tense, past participle fitted -)
    1) (to be the right size or shape (for someone or something): The coat fits (you) very well.) sentar (bien)
    2) (to be suitable for: Her speech fitted the occasion.) ajustar, adaptar, adecuar
    3) (to put (something) in position: You must fit a new lock on the door.) instalar, poner, colocar
    4) (to supply with; to equip with: She fitted the cupboard with shelves.) equipar
    •
    - fitter
    - fitting
    4. noun
    1) (something, eg a piece of furniture, which is fixed, especially in a house etc: kitchen fittings.) mobiliario
    2) (the trying-on of a dress etc and altering to make it fit: I am having a fitting for my wedding-dress tomorrow.) prueba
    •
    - fit out
    - see/think fit
    II fit noun
    1) (a sudden attack of illness, especially epilepsy: She suffers from fits.) ataque
    2) (something which happens as suddenly as this: a fit of laughter/coughing.) acceso
    •
    fit1 adj
    1. en forma
    2. apto / adecuado / en condiciones
    this food is not fit to eat esta comida no está en condiciones / esta comida no se puede comer
    El comparativo de fit se escribe fitter; el superlativo se escribe fittest
    fit2 n ataque / acceso
    fit3 vb
    1. ir bien
    these shoes don't fit me, they're too big estos zapatos no me van bien, me van grandes
    2. caber
    3. instalar / colocar
    tr[fɪt]
    adjective (comp fitter, superl fittest)
    1 (suitable, appropriate) adecuado,-a, apto,-a, apropiado,-a; (qualified for) capacitado,-a hábil, capaz; (worthy, deserving) digno,-a
    2 (in good health) sano,-a, bien de salud, en (plena) forma; (physically) en forma
    ■ are you sure you're fit enough to go back to work? ¿seguro que estás bien para volver al trabajo?
    3 familiar (ready) a punto de
    1 (be right size for) sentar bien, quedar bien, ir bien a
    3 (key) abrir
    ■ does this key fit the lock? ¿esta llave abre la cerradura?
    4 (install) instalar, poner, colocar
    5 figurative use (be appropriate) cuadrar con, corresponder a, responder a
    6 (adapt) ajustar, adaptar, adecuar; (make suitable) capacitar
    1 (be right size/shape) sentar bien, ir bien
    ■ does this piece fit here? ¿esta pieza va bien aquí?
    2 (be of right size in space) caber, encajar, ajustar
    ■ do all your clothes fit in that drawer? ¿toda tu ropa cabe en ese cajón?
    ■ if it doesn't fit, don't force it si no cabe, no lo fuerces
    3 (be right) cuadrar, corresponder, encajar
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    to fit somebody like a glove irle a alguien como un guante
    to be as fit as a fiddle estar fuerte como un roble
    to be fit to do something estar en condiciones de hacer algo
    to see fit / think fit estimar conveniente, parecer conveniente
    ————————
    tr[fɪt]
    1 SMALLMEDICINE/SMALL ataque nombre masculino, acceso
    2 (of laughter) arrebato, ataque nombre masculino; (of rage, panic) arranque nombre masculino arrebato
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    to be in fits (of laughter) desternillarse de risa, troncharse de risa
    by fits and starts / in fits and starts a trompicones
    to give somebody a fit darle un susto a alguien
    to have a fit / throw a fit darle un ataque a uno
    fit ['fɪt] v, fitted ; fitting vt
    1) match: corresponder a, coincidir con
    the punishment fits the crime: el castigo corresponde al crimen
    2) : quedar
    the dress doesn't fit me: el vestido no me queda
    3) go: caber, encajar en
    her key fits the lock: su llave encaja en la cerradura
    4) insert, install: poner, colocar
    5) adapt: adecuar, ajustar, adaptar
    6) or to fit out equip: equipar
    fit vi
    1) : quedar, entallar
    these pants don't fit: estos pantalones no me quedan
    2) conform: encajar, cuadrar
    3)
    to fit in : encajar, estar integrado
    1) suitable: adecuado, apropiado, conveniente
    2) qualified: calificado, competente
    3) healthy: sano, en forma
    fit n
    1) attack: ataque m, acceso m, arranque m
    2)
    to be a good fit : quedar bien
    3)
    to be a tight fit : ser muy entallado (de ropa), estar apretado (de espacios)
    adj.
    • adecuado, -a adj.
    • aparejado, -a adj.
    • apto, -a adj.
    • ataque adj.
    • dispuesto, -a adj.
    • hábil adj.
    • suficiente adj.
    n.
    • acceso s.m.
    • ajuste s.m.
    • arranque s.m.
    • convulsión s.f.
    • encaje s.m.
    v.
    • acomodar v.
    • adaptar v.
    • adecuar v.
    • amoldar v.
    • caber v.
    (§pres: quepo, cabes...) pret: cup-
    fut/c: cabr-•)
    • compasar v.
    • encajar v.
    • entallar v.
    • juntar v.
    • sentar v.

    I fɪt
    1) ( healthy) en forma, sano

    to get/keep fit — ponerse*/mantenerse* en forma

    to be fit FOR something: the soldiers were passed fit for duty los soldados fueron declarados aptos (para el servicio); I feel fit for anything today hoy me siento capaz de cualquier cosa; to be fit to + INF — \<\<to playavel\>\> estar* en condiciones de + inf

    2)
    a) ( suitable) <person/conduct> adecuado, apropiado

    to be fit FOR something/somebody: this book is not fit for children este libro no es apto or apropriado para niños; this car is only fit for the scrapheap este coche es pura chatarra; a feast fit for a king un banquete digno de reyes; to be fit to + INF: this isn't fit to eat ( harmful) esto no está en buenas condiciones; ( unappetizing) esto está incomible; he's not fit to be a father no es digno de ser padre; you're not fit to be seen — estás impresentable

    b) ( right) (pred)

    to see fit to + INF: he did not see fit to reply to our letter ni se dignó contestar a nuestra carta; to think fit TO + INF — estimar conveniente + inf, creer* apropiado + inf

    3) ( ready)

    to be fit to + INF: I felt fit to drop me sentía a punto de caer* agotada; to laugh fit to burst — desternillarse de risa; tie II 1) b)


    II
    1.
    - tt- transitive verb
    1)
    a) ( Clothing)
    b) (be right size, shape for) \<\<socket\>\> encajar en
    c) ( correspond to) \<\<theory\>\> concordar* con, corresponderse con
    2) ( install) (esp BrE) \<\<carpet/lock\>\> poner*, colocar*; \<\<double glazing\>\> instalar

    he fitted the two halves together — unió or encajó las dos mitades

    3)
    b) ( adjust)

    to fit something TO something — adecuar* algo a algo

    to fit somebody FOR something/-ING — capacitar a alguien para algo/inf

    4) ( Clothing) \<\<dress/suit\>\>

    2.
    vi
    a) ( Clothing)
    b) (be right size, shape) \<\<lid\>\> ajustar; \<\<key/peg\>\> encajar

    to make something fit — hacer* ajustar/encajar algo

    c) ( correspond) \<\<facts/description\>\> encajar, cuadrar
    Phrasal Verbs:

    III
    1)
    a) ( attack) ataque m

    to give somebody a fit — (colloq) darle* a alguien un soponcio (fam)

    to have o throw a fit — (colloq)

    I nearly had a fit — casi me da un ataque or un síncope (fam)

    a fit of jealousy — un arrebato or arranque de celos

    to have somebody in fits — (colloq) hacer* partirse de risa a alguien (fam)

    we were in fits — nos estábamos muriendo de risa

    by o in fits and starts — a los tropezones, a trancas y barrancas

    2) (of size, shape) (no pl)

    my new jacket is a good/bad fit — la chaqueta nueva me queda bien/mal

    it's a tight fit — ( clothes) es muy entallado; ( in confined space)

    can we all get in? - it'll be a tight fit — ¿cabemos todos? - vamos a estar muy apretados


    I
    [fɪt]
    ADJ (compar fitter) (superl fittest)
    1) (=suitable) adecuado

    • fit for sth, fit for human consumption/habitation — comestible/habitable

    he's not fit for the job — no sirve para el puesto, no es apto para el puesto

    • to be fit to do sth, he's not fit to teach — no sirve para profesor

    you're not fit to be seen — no estás presentable, no estás para que te vea la gente

    the meat was not fit to eat or to be eaten — (=unhealthy) la carne no estaba en buenas condiciones; (=bad-tasting) la carne era incomible, la carne no se podía comer

    2) (=healthy) (Med) sano; (Sport) en forma

    • to be fit for duty — (Mil) ser apto para el servicio

    to be fit for work — (after illness) estar en condiciones de trabajar

    • to get fit — (Med) reponerse; (Sport) ponerse en forma

    • to keep fit — mantenerse en forma

    • to pass sb fit — (after illness, injury) dar a algn el alta

    • she's not yet fit to travel — todavía no está en condiciones de viajar

    - be as fit as a fiddle
    3) * (=ready)

    he was laughing fit to bust or burst — se tronchaba or desternillaba de risa

    4) (=right)

    • to see/ think fit to do sth, you must do as you think fit — debes hacer lo que estimes conveniente or lo que creas apropiado


    II [fɪt]
    1. VT
    1) (=be right size) [clothes] quedar bien a; [key] entrar en, encajar en

    the key doesn't fit the lock — la llave no entra or encaja en la cerradura

    2) (=measure) tomar las medidas a
    3) (=match) [+ facts] corresponderse con; [+ description] encajar con; [+ need] adecuarse a
    bill I, 1., 6)
    4) (=put)

    I finally began to fit the pieces together — (fig) finalmente empecé a encajar todas las piezas

    5) (=install) [+ windows] instalar, poner; [+ carpet] poner; [+ kitchen, bathroom, domestic appliance] instalar
    6) (=supply) equipar de
    7) frm (=make suitable)

    to fit sb for sth/to do sth — capacitar a algn para algo/para hacer algo

    2. VI
    1) [clothes, shoes]
    cap
    2) (=go in/on)

    will the cupboard fit into the corner? — ¿cabrá el armario en el rincón?

    it fits in/on here — se encaja aquí

    3) (=match) [facts, description] concordar, corresponderse

    it doesn't fit with what he said to me — no concuerda or no se corresponde con lo que me dijo a mí

    it all fits now! — ¡todo encaja ahora!

    fit in 1., 1)
    4) * (=belong) encajar
    3.
    N

    when it comes to shoes, a good fit is essential — en lo que se refiere a los zapatos, es esencial que se ajusten bien or que sean el número correcto


    III
    [fɪt]
    N
    1) (Med) ataque m

    • epileptic fit — ataque m epiléptico

    • fainting fit — desmayo m

    • she had a fit last night — anoche tuvo un ataque

    2) (=outburst)

    • a fit of anger — un arranque or un arrebato or frm un acceso de cólera

    • a fit of coughing — un ataque or frm un acceso de tos

    • I had a fit of (the) giggles — me dio un ataque de risa

    • to have a fit * — ponerse histérico *

    he'd have a fit if he knew — le daría un síncope si se enterara *, se pondría histérico si se enterara *

    • to be in fits * — partirse de risa *

    she was so funny, she used to have us all in fits — era tan graciosa, que nos tenía a todos muertos de risa *

    • she had a laughing fit — le dio un ataque de risa

    • she was in fits of laughter — se partía de risa *

    • he shot her in a fit of jealous rage — disparó sobre ella en un arranque or arrebato de celos y furia

    • by or in fits and starts — a tropezones, a trompicones *

    • to throw a fit * — ponerse histérico *

    she'll throw a fit if she finds out — le dará un síncope si se entera *, se pondrá histérica si se entera *

    • a fit of weeping — una llorera

    pique
    * * *

    I [fɪt]
    1) ( healthy) en forma, sano

    to get/keep fit — ponerse*/mantenerse* en forma

    to be fit FOR something: the soldiers were passed fit for duty los soldados fueron declarados aptos (para el servicio); I feel fit for anything today hoy me siento capaz de cualquier cosa; to be fit to + INF — \<\<to play/travel\>\> estar* en condiciones de + inf

    2)
    a) ( suitable) <person/conduct> adecuado, apropiado

    to be fit FOR something/somebody: this book is not fit for children este libro no es apto or apropriado para niños; this car is only fit for the scrapheap este coche es pura chatarra; a feast fit for a king un banquete digno de reyes; to be fit to + INF: this isn't fit to eat ( harmful) esto no está en buenas condiciones; ( unappetizing) esto está incomible; he's not fit to be a father no es digno de ser padre; you're not fit to be seen — estás impresentable

    b) ( right) (pred)

    to see fit to + INF: he did not see fit to reply to our letter ni se dignó contestar a nuestra carta; to think fit TO + INF — estimar conveniente + inf, creer* apropiado + inf

    3) ( ready)

    to be fit to + INF: I felt fit to drop me sentía a punto de caer* agotada; to laugh fit to burst — desternillarse de risa; tie II 1) b)


    II
    1.
    - tt- transitive verb
    1)
    a) ( Clothing)
    b) (be right size, shape for) \<\<socket\>\> encajar en
    c) ( correspond to) \<\<theory\>\> concordar* con, corresponderse con
    2) ( install) (esp BrE) \<\<carpet/lock\>\> poner*, colocar*; \<\<double glazing\>\> instalar

    he fitted the two halves together — unió or encajó las dos mitades

    3)
    b) ( adjust)

    to fit something TO something — adecuar* algo a algo

    to fit somebody FOR something/-ING — capacitar a alguien para algo/inf

    4) ( Clothing) \<\<dress/suit\>\>

    2.
    vi
    a) ( Clothing)
    b) (be right size, shape) \<\<lid\>\> ajustar; \<\<key/peg\>\> encajar

    to make something fit — hacer* ajustar/encajar algo

    c) ( correspond) \<\<facts/description\>\> encajar, cuadrar
    Phrasal Verbs:

    III
    1)
    a) ( attack) ataque m

    to give somebody a fit — (colloq) darle* a alguien un soponcio (fam)

    to have o throw a fit — (colloq)

    I nearly had a fit — casi me da un ataque or un síncope (fam)

    a fit of jealousy — un arrebato or arranque de celos

    to have somebody in fits — (colloq) hacer* partirse de risa a alguien (fam)

    we were in fits — nos estábamos muriendo de risa

    by o in fits and starts — a los tropezones, a trancas y barrancas

    2) (of size, shape) (no pl)

    my new jacket is a good/bad fit — la chaqueta nueva me queda bien/mal

    it's a tight fit — ( clothes) es muy entallado; ( in confined space)

    can we all get in? - it'll be a tight fit — ¿cabemos todos? - vamos a estar muy apretados

    English-spanish dictionary > fit

  • 15 corporate identity

    1) марк., упр. фирменный стиль (набор визуальных, словесных и т. п. констант, обеспечивающий стилистическое единство товаров, услуг и всей исходящей от фирмы информации; иногда применяется по отношению к проектам)

    Company A is introducing a corporate identity designed by Artist B. — Компания А переходит на фирменный стиль, разработанный дизайнером Б.

    The most important part of the corporate identity, after the name of the organisation itself, is the logo. — Наиболее важная часть фирменного стиля — это само название организации, ее логотип.

    Syn:
    2) марк., упр. = trademark
    3) марк., упр. образ [стиль, имидж\] компании
    а) (ценности и принципы поведения компании, декларируемые в рекламных материалах)

    The biggest, the Fortune 500 corporations, often take the question of corporate identity very seriously and, although the wages they offer are not necessarily any better than those of other companies, their facilities and non-wage benefits do tend to be superior. — Крупнейшие корпорации из списка Fortune 500 часто уделяют образу компании огромное значение и поэтому, хотя их заработные платы не всегда выше, чем в других компаниях, общие условия труда и дополнительные компенсации обычно находятся на крайне высоком уровне.

    Syn:
    corporate look, corporate image
    See:
    * * *

    Англо-русский экономический словарь > corporate identity

  • 16 Portuguese Communist Party

    (PCP)
       The Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) has evolved from its early anarcho-syndicalist roots at its formation in 1921. This evolution included the undisciplined years of the 1920s, during which bolshevization began and continued into the 1930s, then through the years of clandestine existence during the Estado Novo, the Stalinization of the 1940s, the "anarcho-liberal shift" of the 1950s, the emergence of Maoist and Trotskyist splinter groups of the 1960s, to legalization after the Revolution of 25 April 1974 as the strongest and oldest political party in Portugal. Documents from the Russian archives have shown that the PCP's history is not a purely "domestic" one. While the PCP was born on its own without Soviet assistance, once it joined the Communist International (CI), it lost a significant amount of autonomy as CI officials increasingly meddled in PCP internal politics by dictating policy, manipulating leadership elections, and often financing party activities.
       Early Portuguese communism was a mix of communist ideological strands accustomed to a spirited internal debate, a lively external debate with its rivals, and a loose organizational structure. The PCP, during its early years, was weak in grassroots membership and was basically a party of "notables." It was predominantly a male organization, with minuscule female participation. It was also primarily an urban party concentrated in Lisbon. The PCP membership declined from 3,000 in 1923 to only 40 in 1928.
       In 1929, the party was reorganized so that it could survive clandestinely. As its activity progressed in the 1930s, a long period of instability dominated its leadership organs as a result of repression, imprisonments, and disorganization. The CI continued to intervene in party affairs through the 1930s, until the PCP was expelled from the CI in 1938-39, apparently because of its conduct during police arrests.
       The years of 1939-41 were difficult ones for the party, not only because of increased domestic repression but also because of internal party splits provoked by the Nazi-Soviet pact and other foreign actions. From 1940 to 1941, two Communist parties struggled to attract the support of the CI and accused each other of "revisionism." The CI was disbanded in 1943, and the PCP was not accepted back into the international communist family until its recognition by the Cominform in 1947.
       The reorganization of 1940-41 finally put the PCP under the firm control of orthodox communists who viewed socialism from a Soviet perspective. Although Soviet support was denied the newly reorganized party at first, the new leaders continued its Stalinization. The enforcement of "democratic centralism" and insistence upon the "dictatorship of the proletariat" became entrenched. The 1940s brought increased growth, as the party reached its membership apex of the clandestine era with 1,200 members in 1943, approximately 4,800 in 1946, and 7,000 in 1947.
       The party fell on hard times in the 1950s. It developed a bad case of paranoia, which led to a witch hunt for infiltrators, informers, and spies in all ranks of the party. The lower membership figures who followed the united antifascist period were reduced further through expulsions of the "traitors." By 1951, the party had been reduced to only 1,000 members. It became a closed, sectarian, suspicious, and paranoiac organization, with diminished strength in almost every region, except in the Alentejo, where the party, through propaganda and ideology more than organizational strength, was able to mobilize strikes of landless peasants in the early 1950s.
       On 3 January 1960, Álvaro Cunhal and nine other political prisoners made a spectacular escape from the Peniche prison and fled the country. Soon after this escape, Cunhal was elected secretary-general and, with other top leaders, directed the PCP from exile. Trotskyite and Maoist fractions emerged within the party in the 1960s, strengthened by the ideological developments in the international communist movement, such as in China and Cuba. The PCP would not tolerate dissent or leftism and began purging the extreme left fractions.
       The PCP intensified its control of the labor movement after the more liberal syndical election regulations under Prime Minister Mar- cello Caetano allowed communists to run for leadership positions in the corporative unions. By 1973, there was general unrest in the labor movement due to deteriorating economic conditions brought on by the colonial wars, as well as by world economic pressures including the Arab oil boycott.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the PCP enjoyed a unique position: it was the only party to have survived the Estado Novo. It emerged from clandestinity as the best organized political party in Portugal with a leadership hardened by years in jail. Since then, despite the party's stubborn orthodoxy, it has consistently played an important role as a moderating force. As even the Socialist Party (PS) was swept up by the neoliberal tidal wave, albeit a more compassionate variant, increasingly the PCP has played a crucial role in ensuring that interests and perspectives of the traditional Left are aired.
       One of the most consistent planks of the PCP electoral platform has been opposition to every stage of European integration. The party has regularly resisted Portuguese membership in the European Economic Community (EEC) and, following membership beginning in 1986, the party has regularly resisted further integration through the European Union (EU). A major argument has been that EU membership would not resolve Portugal's chronic economic problems but would only increase its dependence on the world. Ever since, the PCP has argued that its opposition to membership was correct and that further involvement with the EU would only result in further economic dependence and a consequent loss of Portuguese national sovereignty. Further, the party maintained that as Portugal's ties with the EU increased, the vulnerable agrarian sector in Portugal would risk further losses.
       Changes in PCP leadership may or may not alter the party's electoral position and role in the political system. As younger generations forget the uniqueness of the party's resistance to the Estado Novo, public images of PCP leadership will change. As the image of Álvaro Cunhal and other historical communist leaders slowly recedes, and the stature of Carlos Carvalhas (general secretary since 1992) and other moderate leaders is enhanced, the party's survival and legitimacy have strengthened. On 6 March 2001, the PCP celebrated its 80th anniversary.
        See also Left Bloc.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Portuguese Communist Party

  • 17 Ives, Frederic Eugene

    [br]
    b. 17 February 1856 Litchfield, Connecticut, USA
    d. 27 May 1937 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA
    [br]
    American printer who pioneered the development of photomechanical and colour photographic processes.
    [br]
    Ives trained as a printer in Ithaca, New York, and became official photographer at Cornell University at the age of 18. His research into photomechanical processes led in 1886 to methods of making halftone reproduction of photographs using crossline screens. In 1881 he was the first to make a three-colour print from relief halftone blocks. He made significant contributions to the early development of colour photography, and from 1888 he published and marketed a number of systems for the production of additive colour photographs. He designed a beam-splitting camera in which a single lens exposed three negatives through red, green and blue filters. Black and white transparencies from these negatives were viewed in a device fitted with internal reflectors and filters, which combined the three colour separations into one full-colour image. This device was marketed in 1895 under the name Kromskop; sets of Kromograms were available commercially, and special cameras, or adaptors for conventional cameras, were available for photographers who wished to take their own colour pictures. A Lantern Kromskop was available for the projection of Kromskop pictures. Ives's system enjoyed a few years of commercial success before simpler methods of making colour photographs rendered it obsolete. Ives continued research into colour photography; his later achievements included the design, in 1915, of the Hicro process, in which a simple camera produced sets of separation negatives that could be printed as dyed transparencies in complementary colours and assembled in register on paper to produce colour prints. Later, in 1932, he introduced Polychrome, a simpler, two-colour process in which a bipack of two thin negative plates or films could be exposed in conventional cameras. Ives's interest extended into other fields, notably stereoscopy. He developed a successful parallax stereogram process in 1903, in which a three-dimensional image could be seen directly, without the use of viewing devices. In his lifetime he received many honours, and was a recipient of the Royal Photographic Society's Progress Medal in 1903 for his work in colour photography.
    [br]
    Further Reading
    B.Coe, 1978, Colour Photography: The First Hundred Years, London J.S.Friedman, 1944, History of Colour Photography, Boston. G.Koshofer, 1981, Farbfotografie, Vol. I, Munich.
    BC

    Biographical history of technology > Ives, Frederic Eugene

  • 18 imagine

    transitive verb
    1) (picture to oneself, guess, think) sich (Dat.) vorstellen

    imagine things — sich (Dat.) Dinge einbilden[, die gar nicht stimmen]

    imagine something to be easy/difficult — etc. sich (Dat.) etwas leicht/schwer usw. vorstellen

    do not imagine that... — bilden Sie sich (Dat.) bloß nicht ein, dass...

    as you can imagine — wie du dir denken od. vorstellen kannst

    2) (coll.): (suppose) glauben
    3) (get the impression)

    imagine [that]... — sich (Dat.) einbilden[, dass]...

    * * *
    [i'mæ‹in]
    1) (to form a mental picture of (something): I can imagine how you felt.) sich vorstellen
    2) (to see or hear etc (something which is not true or does not exist): Children often imagine that there are frightening animals under their beds; You're just imagining things!)
    3) (to think; to suppose: I imagine (that) he will be late.) glauben
    •
    - academic.ru/36864/imaginary">imaginary
    - imagination
    - imaginative
    * * *
    im·ag·ine
    [ɪˈmæʤɪn]
    vt
    1. (form mental image)
    ▪ to \imagine sb/sth sich dat jdn/etw vorstellen
    you can just \imagine how I felt Sie können sich bestimmt ausmalen, wie ich mich gefühlt habe
    ▪ to \imagine oneself doing sth sich dat vorstellen, etw zu tun
    ▪ to \imagine sth sich dat etw denken
    I \imagine her father couldn't come ich gehe davon aus, dass ihr Vater nicht kommen konnte
    I cannot \imagine what you mean ich weiß wirklich nicht, was du meinst
    I can't \imagine how this could happen ich kann mir nicht erklären, wie das passieren konnte
    3. (be under the illusion)
    ▪ to \imagine sth etw glauben
    don't \imagine that you'll get a car for your birthday glaub ja nicht, dass du zum Geburtstag ein Auto bekommst!
    4.
    ▶ to be imagining things sich dat [ständig] etwas einbilden
    ▶ \imagine that! stell dir das mal vor!
    * * *
    [I'mdZɪn]
    vt
    1) (= picture to oneself) sich (dat) vorstellen, sich (dat) denken

    imagine you're rich/lying on a beach — stellen Sie sich mal vor, Sie wären reich/lägen am Strand

    he imagined himself kissing her — er stellte sich vor, sie zu küssen

    you can imagine how I felt —

    you can't imagine how... — Sie machen sich kein Bild or Sie können sich nicht vorstellen wie...

    I can't imagine living there — ich kann mir nicht vorstellen, dort zu leben

    just imagine my surprise — stellen Sie sich nur meine Überraschung vor

    as may ( well) be imagined — wie man sich (leicht) denken or vorstellen kann

    2) (= be under the illusion that) sich (dat) einbilden

    don't imagine that... — bilden Sie sich nur nicht ein, dass..., denken Sie nur nicht, dass...

    3) (= suppose, conjecture) annehmen, vermuten

    is that her father? – I would imagine so — ist das ihr Vater? – ich denke schon

    I would never have imagined he could have done that — ich hätte nie gedacht, dass er das tun würde

    * * *
    imagine [ıˈmædʒın]
    A v/t
    1. sich etwas vorstellen, sich etwas denken, sich einen Begriff machen von:
    (you can) imagine my surprise when … Sie können sich meine Überraschung vorstellen, als …;
    I imagine him as a tall man ich stelle ihn mir groß vor;
    I imagine him to be rich ich halte ihn für reich;
    can you imagine him becoming famous? kannst du dir vorstellen, dass er einmal berühmt wird?;
    it is not to be imagined es ist nicht auszudenken;
    be hard to imagine schwer vorstellbar sein
    2. ersinnen, sich etwas ausdenken
    3. sich etwas einbilden:
    don’t imagine that … bilde dir nur nicht ein oder denke bloß nicht, dass …;
    you are imagining things! du bildest oder redest dir etwas ein!, das bildest oder redest du dir nur ein!
    4. annehmen, vermuten ( beide:
    that dass)
    B v/i just imagine! iron stell dir vor!, denk dir nur!
    * * *
    transitive verb
    1) (picture to oneself, guess, think) sich (Dat.) vorstellen

    imagine things — sich (Dat.) Dinge einbilden[, die gar nicht stimmen]

    imagine something to be easy/difficult — etc. sich (Dat.) etwas leicht/schwer usw. vorstellen

    do not imagine that... — bilden Sie sich (Dat.) bloß nicht ein, dass...

    as you can imagine — wie du dir denken od. vorstellen kannst

    2) (coll.): (suppose) glauben

    imagine [that]... — sich (Dat.) einbilden[, dass]...

    * * *
    v.
    einbilden v.
    sich vorstellen v.
    vorstellen v.

    English-german dictionary > imagine

  • 19 Bible words and phrases

    •• Библия, наряду с Шекспиром, – самый богатый источник английской идиоматики. Несмотря на обилие изданных, в основном в США, «новых вариантов» перевода Библии (среди них особенно популярны The New American Standard Bible, The Good News Bible и The Living Bible, стиль которых сильно облегчен, близок к разговорному и местами, на мой взгляд, просто ужасен), именно перевод, сделанный по заказу короля Якова I, оказал определяющее влияние на английский язык в Англии и в США. Как пишут авторы изданной журналом Reader’s Digest книги Success With Words, From colonial times until the 20th century, the King James Bible was the only book in many American households. Ниже приводятся некоторые слова и обороты библейского происхождения, часто встречающиеся в живой речи и публицистике на английском языке. Кстати, и у нас в советское время, в условиях атеистического режима, публицистика и даже выступления партийных лидеров не обходились без этой идиоматики (парадоксальным образом сейчас в устах наших лидеров и антикоммунистических публицистов нередки словосочетания, представляющие собой полные и частичные цитаты из Ленина).

    •• Начать, пожалуй, стоит с трех отрывков, известных каждому образованному (и не очень) жителю англоязычных стран. Это The Ten Commandments (Десять заповедей), The Lord’s Prayer (Молитва Господня) и знаменитая цитата из Книги Екклезиаста (Ecclesiastes). Привожу их с некоторыми сокращениями, оставляя то, что наиболее употребимо и что должен знать переводчик.
    •• 1. I am the Lord thy God, thou shalt have no other Gods before me. – Я Господь Бог твой, да не будет у тебя других богов перед лицом Моим;
    •• 2. Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image [...] – Не делай себе кумира (в современном русском языке чаще встречается церковно-славянский вариант: Не сотвори себе кумира);
    •• 3. Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord the God in vain. – Не произноси имени Господа, Бога твоего, напрасно (чаще – с церковно-славянским «вкраплением» – всуе);
    •• 4. Remember the sabbath day, keep it holy. Six days shalt thou labour, and do all thy work: But the seventh day is the sabbath of the Lord thy God. – Помни день субботний, чтобы святить его. Шесть дней работай, и делай всякие дела твои. А день седьмый – суббота Господу Богу твоему;
    •• 5. Honour thy father and thy mother: that thy days be long upon the land. – Почитай отца твоего и мать твою, чтобы продлились дни твои на земле (церковно-славянский вариант, иногда слегка контаминированный, более распространен: Чти отца твоего и матерь твою);
    •• 6. Thou shalt not kill. – Не убивай (чаще, конечно, церковно-славянское: Не убий);
    •• 7. Thou shalt not commit adultery. – Не прелюбодействуй;
    •• 8. Thou shalt not steal. – Не кради (церковно-славянское: Не укради);
    •• 9. Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour. – Не произноси ложного свидетельства на ближнего твоего;
    •• 10. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s house, thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s wife [...] – Не желай дома ближнего твоего; не желай жены ближнего твоего... (в церковно-славянском: не пожелай).
    •• The Lord’s Prayer (Matthew 6:11):
    •• Our Father which art in heaven, hallowed be Thy name. Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread. And forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors. And lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil: For thine is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory, for ever. Amen.
    •• Отче наш, сущий на небесах (церковно-славянское: иже еси на небесех)! да святится имя Твое; да приидет Царствие Твое; да будет воля Твоя на земле, как на небе; хлеб наш насущный дай нам на сей день (церковно-славянское: даждь нам днесь); и прости нам долги наши, как (церковно-славянское: яко же) и мы прощаем должникам нашим; и не введи нас во искушение, но избавь (церковно-славянское: избави) нас от лукавого; ибо Твое есть Царство и сила и слава во веки. Аминь.
    •• Незабываемый для меня момент женевской встречи на высшем уровне 1985 года – обед в советском представительстве, во время которого М.С.Горбачев в приветственном тосте довольно точно процитировал Книгу Екклезиаста. Интересно, что никто не проявил удивления, внешне, во всяком случае. Наступали новые времена. Привожу полностью английский и русский текст часто цитируемого библейского отрывка – слова необычайной красоты и мудрости.
    •• To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven. – Всему свое время, и время всякой вещи под небом.
    •• A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted. – Время рождаться, и время умирать; время насаждать, и время вырывать посаженное;
    •• A time to kill, and a time to heal; a time to break down, and a time to build up. – Время убивать, и время врачевать; время разрушать, и время строить;
    •• A time to weep, and a time to laugh; a time to mourn, and a time to dance. – Время плакать, и время смеяться; время сетовать, и время плясать;
    •• A time to cast away stones, and a time to gather stones together; a time to embrace, and a time to refrain from embracing. – Время разбрасывать камни, и время собирать камни; время обнимать, и время уклоняться от объятий;
    •• A time to get, and a time to lose; a time to keep, and a time to cast away. – Время искать, и время терять; время сберегать, и время бросать;
    •• A time to rend, and a time to sew; a time to keep silence, and a time to speak. – Время раздирать, и время сшивать; время молчать, и время говорить;
    •• A time to love, and a time to hate; a time of war, and a time of peace. – Время любить, и время ненавидеть; время войне, и время миру.
    •• Не делая попытки дать даже беглый обзор всего богатства библейской фразеологии, встречающейся в литературе, прессе и речи американцев и англичан, приведу частичный перечень выражений, которые, на мой взгляд, хорошо бы знать и по-русски и по-английски:
    •• to be all things to all men – быть «всем для всех». Часто употребляется с намеком на двуличие, политическую хитрость. Но в переводе, особенно устном, когда нет времени проанализировать политические нюансы, не следует спешить с такой «обвинительной интерпретацией» этой фразы, поскольку она может подразумевать нечто более безобидное и во всяком случае вполне понятное: стремление политика, любого человека всем угодить, всем понравиться. Вот обнаруженный мной на сайте www.wahyan.com пример именно такого использования этого фразеологизма: In many ways, Fr. Zee is a celebrity of sorts in the best Jesuit tradition of “All things to all Men.” – Во многих отношениях брат Зи – это своего рода знаменитость в лучших традициях тех иезуитов, которые стремятся «быть всем для всех»/в лучших, подвижнических традициях Ордена иезуитов;
    •• the apple of one’s eye – в Библии: зеница ока. В обыденном словоупотреблении: самое дорогое, любимое детище;
    •• a beam in one’s own eye – бревно в собственном глазу. По-английски то, что мы называем в ставшей поговоркой фразе сучком или соломинкой, называется в соответствии с библейским текстом a mote (in thy brother’s eye);
    •• man shall not live by bread alone – в русском словоупотреблении своеобразная смесь церковно-славянского и современного вариантов: не хлебом единым жив человек;
    •• render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar’s, and unto God the things that are God’s – аналогичный случай смешения в поговорке церковно-славянского и современного русского вариантов библейского текста: отдайте кесарю кесарево, а Богу – Богово;
    •• the golden calf – золотой/златой телец (т.е. власть денег, «желтого дьявола»). Большинство читателей, наверное, не догадывались, что в названии знаменитого романа Ильфа и Петрова – библейская аллюзия;
    •• to turn the other cheek – подставить другую щеку. В Ветхом Завете – противоположный принцип: eye for eye, tooth for tooth (в современном английском an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth) - око за око, зуб за зуб;
    •• faith, hope, charity (иногда вариант faith, hope, love) – вера, надежда, любовь;
    •• Colossus with feet of clay – колосс на глиняных ногах;
    •• filthy lucre – «презренный металл», корыстолюбие. Раньше имело значение грязные деньги, сейчас употребляется главным образом иронически – в наше время не так много людей, презирающих деньги;
    •• a fly in the ointment – в Библии: муха в бальзаме. В обиходной речи: ложка дегтя в бочке меда;
    •• forbidden fruit – запретный плод;
    •• holier than thou – библейская цитата вышла из употребления, но любопытные могут справиться в Книге Пророка Исайи (65:5). В современной английской речи употребляется как прилагательное в значении высокомерный, ханжеский, лицемерный.
    •• В своих интересных статьях о библеизмах Т.П.Клюкина отмечает, что вместо holier могут употребляться другие прилагательные, причем коннотация выражения сохраняется. Судя по обнаруженным мною примерам, это – как правило, хотя и не всегда – коннотация некоторого морального или иного превосходства над другими. (Об интересном исследовании психологов из Корнельского университета рассказала телесеть «Эй-би-си». Они установили, что ощущение своего морального превосходства свойственно всем нам: People see themselves as being fairer, more altruistic, more self-sacrificing, more moral than most others. In short, most of us think we really are “holier than thou,” although we may not be willing to admit it. [...] There is just one problem. Most of us can’t be above average. [...] So if most people see themselves as better than the average person, they have to be making one of two mistakes: Either they think they’re a lot better than they really are, or those other folks out there aren’t as bad as they seem. Есть о чем задуматься.) Но и при хорошем понимании подтекста не всегда легко найти адекватный перевод. Вот, например, заголовок рецензии на книги по проблемам экологии и политики в газете «Нью-Йорк таймс»: Greener Than Thou – «Экология с претензией на истину в последней инстанции». Другой пример – с сайта zdnet.com: Intel has been coping a ‘mightier-than-thou’ attitude for far too long. – «Интел» слишком долго кичится своим воображаемым превосходством. Несколько иная коннотация – своего рода конкуренция, попытка «бежать впереди паровоза» – в названии нашумевшей в 1970-х годах статьи Пола Сибери о епископальной церкви в США Trendier Than Thou: The Episcopal Church and the Secular World. Я бы предложил следующий перевод: «В погоне за интеллектуальной модой. Епископальная церковь и общество».
    •• at the eleventh hour – широко распространено в прессе и в разговорной речи, смысл: в последний момент;
    •• a house divided (against itself) – далее в Библии: cannot stand. Дом, разделившийся сам в себе, не устоит. В сознании американцев ассоциируется со знаменитой речью Линкольна 16 июня 1858 года. Слова a house divided в современной речи означают раскол, губительные непримиримые противоречия;
    •• the fat years and the lean years – годы изобилия и годы лишений. А если проще – хорошие годы и плохие годы, «взлеты и падения».
    •• the massacre/slaughter of the innocent – избиение младенцев (я благодарен Т.П.Клюкиной, которая обратила мое внимание на то, что в то время как в английском языке это выражение имеет трагическую окраску, в русском словоупотреблении – скорее ироническую);
    •• the land flowing with [the land of] milk and honey – земля, где течет молоко и мед («молочные реки, кисельные берега»);
    •• the promised land – земля обетованная;
    •• a mess of pottage – чечевичная похлебка;
    •• out of the mouths of babes and sucklings – библейский вариант: из уст младенцев и грудных детей. В современном русском устами младенцев (глаголет истина);
    •• Physician, heal thyself – по-русски – в церковно-славянском варианте: Врачу, исцелися сам;
    •• the powers that be – в русском тексте Библии: существующие власти. В политических и других современных текстах переводится власти предержащие, сильные мира сего. В современном русском переводе Библии: высшие власти;
    •• Seek, and ye shall find – ищите и обрящете (вновь церковно-славянский вариант);
    •• vanity of vanities (далее в Екклезиасте: All is vanity and vexation of spirit) – Суета сует. Всё – суета и томление духа;
    •• voice (of one) crying in the wilderness – глас вопиющего в пустыне;
    •• the writing on the wall – из библейской легенды о письменах на стене во время Валтасарова пира (см. Книгу Пророка Даниила). В современном языке зловещее предзнаменование, предостережение о гибели, «судьба предрешена».
    •• В русско-английской части словаря нет статьи, посвященной употреблению в современной публицистике библейской, церковно-славянской и конфессиональной лексики. И тому есть причины, хотя существует мнение, что в современных СМИ она используется все шире. Это мнение, однако, верно лишь отчасти. Действительно, изменение отношения власти к церкви в 1980–90-x гг. привело к более частому употреблению конфессиональной лексики, например, в описании храмов, обрядов, в официальной хронике, связанной с иерархами церкви, особенно Русской Православной, и т.д. Но даже здесь, как отмечает исследователь этого явления И.П.Прядко, «интерес авторов... к религиозной тематике в большинстве случаев ограничивается внешними сторонами православного культа и не идет вглубь, не затрагивает духовно-философских основ возрождаемой религии». Отсюда – поверхностность, многочисленные ошибки и неточности. Образованный переводчик увидит здесь не столько переводческую проблему, сколько проявление не слишком высокой культуры.
    •• Что же касается употребления библеизмов и фразеологизмов церковно-славянского происхождения (ничтоже сумняшеся, притча во языцех, на круги своя, злоба дня, и иже с ними и т.п.), то, во-первых, это не ново. Ими не брезговали большевистские руководители первых лет революции и публицисты типа Давида Заславского, а в послевоенной журналистике мода на них была устойчивой. В постперестроечное время их использование особенно характерно для публицистов крайних направлений – коммуно-патриотического (А.Проханов, авторы «Советской России») и радикал-либерального (например, В.Новодворская, Максим Соколов). И.П.Прядко отмечает, что в то время, как «в журналах и газетах, относящихся к группе так называемых «патриотических изданий, эти единицы соотнесены с концептом высокого..., либеральные журналисты чаще всего используют библейскую лексику как средство иронии и сатиры». И для тех, и для других, на мой взгляд, характерны недостаток вкуса и чувства меры. Вновь процитирую И.П.Прядко: «Примеры правильного и осознанного употребления церковно-славянской лексики в речевом пространстве современных СМИ найти чрезвычайно трудно». Так что пока я не нахожу этим стилистическим изыскам наших публицистов места в моем несистематическом словаре. Отправим их в корзину ( waste-paper basket).

    English-Russian nonsystematic dictionary > Bible words and phrases

  • 20 Coimbra, University of

       Portugal's oldest and once its most prestigious university. As one of Europe's oldest seats of learning, the University of Coimbra and its various roles have a historic importance that supersedes merely the educational. For centuries, the university formed and trained the principal elites and professions that dominated Portugal. For more than a century, certain members of its faculty entered the central government in Lisbon. A few, such as law professor Afonso Costa, mathematics instructor Sidônio Pais, anthropology professor Bernardino Machado, and economics professor Antônio de Oliveira Salazar, became prime ministers and presidents of the republic. In such a small country, with relatively few universities until recently, Portugal counted Coimbra's university as the educational cradle of its leaders and knew its academic traditions as an intimate part of national life.
       Established in 1290 by King Dinis, the university first opened in Lisbon but was moved to Coimbra in 1308, and there it remained. University buildings were placed high on a hill, in a position that
       physically dominates Portugal's third city. While sections of the medieval university buildings are present, much of what today remains of the old University of Coimbra dates from the Manueline era (1495-1521) and the 17th and 18th centuries. The main administration building along the so-called Via Latina is baroque, in the style of the 17th and 18th centuries. Most prominent among buildings adjacent to the central core structures are the Chapel of São Miguel, built in the 17th century, and the magnificent University Library, of the era of wealthy King João V, built between 1717 and 1723. Created entirely by Portuguese artists and architects, the library is unique among historic monuments in Portugal. Its rare book collection, a monument in itself, is complemented by exquisite gilt wood decorations and beautiful doors, windows, and furniture. Among visitors and tourists, the chapel and library are the prime attractions to this day.
       The University underwent important reforms under the Pombaline administration (1750-77). Efforts to strengthen Coimbra's position in advanced learning and teaching by means of a new curriculum, including new courses in new fields and new degrees and colleges (in Portugal, major university divisions are usually called "faculties") often met strong resistance. In the Age of the Discoveries, efforts were made to introduce the useful study of mathematics, which was part of astronomy in that day, and to move beyond traditional medieval study only of theology, canon law, civil law, and medicine. Regarding even the advanced work of the Portuguese astronomer and mathematician Pedro Nunes, however, Coimbra University was lamentably slow in introducing mathematics or a school of arts and general studies. After some earlier efforts, the 1772 Pombaline Statutes, the core of the Pombaline reforms at Coimbra, had an impact that lasted more than a century. These reforms remained in effect to the end of the monarchy, when, in 1911, the First Republic instituted changes that stressed the secularization of learning. This included the abolition of the Faculty of Theology.
       Elaborate, ancient traditions and customs inform the faculty and student body of Coimbra University. Tradition flourishes, although some customs are more popular than others. Instead of residing in common residences or dormitories as in other countries, in Coimbra until recently students lived in the city in "Republics," private houses with domestic help hired by the students. Students wore typical black academic gowns. Efforts during the Revolution of 25 April 1974 and aftermath to abolish the wearing of the gowns, a powerful student image symbol, met resistance and generated controversy. In romantic Coimbra tradition, students with guitars sang characteristic songs, including Coimbra fado, a more cheerful song than Lisbon fado, and serenaded other students at special locations. Tradition also decreed that at graduation graduates wore their gowns but burned their school (or college or subject) ribbons ( fitas), an important ceremonial rite of passage.
       The University of Coimbra, while it underwent a revival in the 1980s and 1990s, no longer has a virtual monopoly over higher education in Portugal. By 1970, for example, the country had only four public and one private university, and the University of Lisbon had become more significant than ancient Coimbra. At present, diversity in higher education is even more pronounced: 12 private universities and 14 autonomous public universities are listed, not only in Lisbon and Oporto, but at provincial locations. Still, Coimbra retains an influence as the senior university, some of whose graduates still enter national government and distinguished themselves in various professions.
       An important student concern at all institutions of higher learning, and one that marked the last half of the 1990s and continued into the next century, was the question of increased student fees and tuition payments (in Portuguese, propinas). Due to the expansion of the national universities in function as well as in the size of student bodies, national budget constraints, and the rising cost of education, the central government began to increase student fees. The student movement protested this change by means of various tactics, including student strikes, boycotts, and demonstrations. At the same time, a growing number of private universities began to attract larger numbers of students who could afford the higher fees in private institutions, but who had been denied places in the increasingly competitive and pressured public universities.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Coimbra, University of

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